Thoughts on the national conference (2)
ETHNICITY, nationalism and regional allegiance are socio-cultural ideologies. In Nigeria, as in most other parts of Africa ethno-cultural ideologies are much stronger than ethno-economic ones.” Furthermore, according to Mazrui, his favourite Nigerian example was “Obafemi Awolowo’s effort to move Nigeria a little to the left. When he looked to see who was following him, it was not the dispossessed of all ethnic groups in Nigeria who followed; it was his fellow Yoruba of all social classes and levels of income.”
Some people may argue that Chapter IV of the 1999 Constitution which protects fundamental human rights is adequate with respect to the right to life, liberty and pursuit of happiness but these provisions are clearly incongruous with the issue of indigeneship that is at the root of inter-ethnic clashes across the nation just as they need to be reconciled with the overarching requirements of S.14 (3) and (4) on federal character.
Fundamental to these discordant issues is
the unacceptable definition of the
federating units that make up the Federal Republic of Nigeria. At independence,
the federating units were the three regional governments and the central
government. Within the three regions, minority ethnic groupings sought liberty
from the oppressive dominance of the major ethnic groups which led to serious
agitations for further subdivisions of the subnational governments without
necessarily diluting or giving up their co-ordinate powers. The first
democratically elected government went through constitutionally recognised
processes to create the Midwest Region as an addition to the subnational
federating units.
This process of self-actualisation was however halted by the military intervention which subsequently used fiat to carve up the erstwhile regions into states that became the new sub-national federating units, however, the states were stripped of the powers they should have inherited from the regions to the advantage of a new powerful and domineering federal government controlled by an unrepresentative military junta.
Subsequent efforts were focused on consolidating this anomalous power relations including decreeing them into the 1999 Constitution. Understandably, different sections of Nigeria that were disadvantaged by military rule; the most vociferous of which is the South East geo-political zone, have protested against the perpetuation of this arrangement. It has therefore always been the hope of these groups that a national conference will provide a platform for redressing the wrongs of the military era as well as to retrieve the powers of the sub-national federating units from the central government.
It can therefore be seen clearly that the recommendation of the Okorounmu Committee on National Dialogue that delegates should be elected on the basis of the current federal constituencies created by the unrepresentative military administrations will perpetuate the wrongs rather than redress them as it will retain the overriding powers of numbers in the hands of the favoured groups. The other recommendation for nominated delegates representing interest groups will further worsen the situation since, on the most critical issues of power devolution and fiscal federalism, virtually every delegate will vote according to the desires of their ethnic and geo-political groupings.
Take the issue of fiscal federalism for instance, without a shred of doubt, decades of almost total dependence on crude oil export for funding of government budgets at all levels and for foreign exchange earnings raise palpable apprehension in non-oil producing States over the prospects of sub-national government control of their resources. The apprehension is such that they have been unwilling to consider the socio-economic benefits of resource control in terms of its proven impact on efficiency in resource management for the overall benefit of the nation.
It is unarguable that the relatively higher balanced and inclusive economic growth rates recorded by the Nigerian nation in the immediate post-independence years and the subsequent decline after the military intervention in governance has a direct correlation with the changes in national fiscal arrangements decreed by the military and sustained ever since by succeeding governments. It is expected that this sort of economic postulation will be debated at a national conference in which majority ethnic groups will not have veto powers over the wishes and aspirations of others and that practical beneficial consensus can be reached on such issues.
On the basis of the foregoing, it is evident that the position of the Committee of Patriots on equal delegate representations for ethnic nationalities seems to provide the needed framework for the ethnic nationalities to give expression to their desires for equity in the Nigerian nation. Furthermore, it will help in finally properly defining what constitutes the true sub-national federating units in Nigeria.
Perhaps, the most critical question that needs to be addressed is the transition from the current constitution to the expected outcome of the national conference. Obviously, it is imperative that nothing must be done to tamper with the rights of the federating ethnic nationalities to life, liberty and pursuit of happiness especially its abridgement by the voting powers of the favoured groups under the current constitution.
It is to avoid such a situation that it has been suggested that the first step to the national conference should be the amendment of the current constitution to provide for its convocation and for its outcome to become a new constitution if approved by referendum of the ethnic nationalities. Without this critical step, many are of the view that we might as well not hold the national conference, in which case, it will remain a dream deferred with attendant instability and insecurity.
I am not unmindful of the current fluid power relations in the National Assembly between the ruling party and the opposition and how that can hinder such an attempt at constitutional amendment however, there is no short cut to the right steps. The past cosmetic alterations of the Constitution have not helped the nation so far and it is unlikely that the fundamental issues raised above can be equitably resolved within the subsisting constitutional framework. We must therefore work towards a multi-partisan consensus on this issue for the sake of a stable future for our children.
*Mr. Ofuani, a former commissioner in Delta State, wrote from Asaba, Delta State.
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